تالون، جين (تسمى في وقت واحد تالون دو كيسنوي). إنتيند أوف نيو فرنس 166568 أند 167072 b. في تشلونس-سور-مارن، في شمبانيا، حيث عمد 8 يناير 1626، ابن فيليب تالون وآن دي بوري (أو بيري، ولكن ليس بيوفي) د. نوفمبر 1694 في فرنسا. ووفقا لبعض المؤلفين قيل أن تالون من أصل إيرلندي. السلف الأول لتسوية في فرنسا، في منتصف القرن 16، كان من المفترض أن يكون أرتوس تالون. ومع ذلك، قد تكون عائلة تالون قد انقسمت بنهاية هذا القرن إلى فرعين منفصلين: الفرع الباريسي، الذي اشتهر به العديد من القضاة الذين كانوا مرتبطين ب غيفيرز وعائلة فليبوكس دي بونتشارترين، والأخرى في شمبانيا، إلى التي ينتمي إليها جان تالون. درس تالون في باريس، مع اليسوعيين في كلية دي كليرمون. في سن الثامنة والعشرين، التحق بالخدمات الإدارية العسكرية: كان مفترضا للحروب في فلاندرز وذخيرة لجيش تورين في عام 1653، مفترق لو كيسنوي في 1654. وفي 1655 أصبح مقرضا من مقاطعة هاينو. خلال السنوات التي شغل فيها هذا المنصب كان في كثير من الأحيان يستحق مزارينز الثناء على حماسيته وكفاءته. التي أنشأتها ريتشيليو، المتخلفين الذين تلقوا في البداية لأنها تسببت في السلطة الملكية لتكون على نحو وثيق جدا كان لها دور أساسي للعب في الجهاز الإداري في فرنسا. وبحسب بيير كلمنت، كان مطلوبا منهم التعامل مع أعمال القمع التي قد يتعرض لها الملوك على يد ضباط القانون من خلال الفساد أو الإهمال أو الجهل أو غير ذلك، للإبلاغ عن أمثلة على إجراء غير صحيح وابتزاز من قبل القضاة، أن يحكم على سلطة المجلس وأن يصدر أحكاما دون استئناف، بما في ذلك عقوبة الإعدام، لاستباق وقمع أي شيء قد يهدد النظام، وأن يراقب الأحكام والإمدادات وحالة السجون. وبإطلاع المحامين العامين على جميع الانتهاكات المرتكبة في المقاطعة، وبعد الجيوش إذا لزم الأمر، استعرضوا القوات للتأكد من أنهم مجهزون تجهيزا جيدا، وحكموا على جنود دون طعن. الطرق، القنوات، الألغام، تقع ضمن اختصاصها، وبالإضافة إلى ذلك كل ما يتعلق الضرائب. وكانت هذه الواجبات المتعددة والواجبة إلى حد ما في 1655 سقطت إلى الكثير من شاب 30 سنة من العمر. وكان ذلك دليلا على أن جان تالون كان يحظى بتقدير كبير في الأماكن المرتفعة. في عام 1665 لويس الرابع عشر وكولبير كانوا يبحثون عن القائمين على كندا. تم تعيين لويس روبرت دي فورتيل في هذا المكتب في 21 مارس 1663 ولكن لأسباب لم يعرفها، لم يذهب إلى فرنسا الجديدة. كان المنصب صعبا، وكان كولبير يطالب. تم ترشيح جان تالون، حتى ذلك الحين من مقاطعة هاينولت. في 23 مارس 1665 أعطيت له عموله، وفي 24 أيار / مايو أبحر لفرنسا الجديدة على متن القديس سباستيان. جنبا إلى جنب مع الحاكم رمي دي كورسيل. بعد وصوله إلى ميناء غاسب، حيث جمع بعض المعادن، وصل تالون قبل كيبيك في 12 سبتمبر 1665. في اللحظة التي هبطت تالون في كيبيك، وفرنسا تتمتع أخيرا السلام والنظام بعد معاهدات أوسنابرك، منستر، و بيرينيس، ولويس الرابع عشر خلافة العرش: نفس الشيء لم يصدق على فرنسا الجديدة. منذ أكثر من 20 عاما، ضعيفة وغير منظمة، كانت المستعمرة في قبضة مع عدو قاسي وبعيد المنال الذي هدد وجودها الهش أكثر من ذلك بقليل كل يوم. كان يجري تجفيف كندا من شريان حياتها في النضال مع إيروقويز، الذي مزاجه الحربي والدمائي المتعطش ازداد بما يتناسب مع نجاحها. وقد تأثرت حياة المستعمرة بأكملها بما يلي: فالتجارة الفراء، الأساس الاقتصادي للبلد، قد توفيت جميعها، مثلما كان الحماس والحماس في القرن الحادي والعشرين، إلى حد أن ضعف المستعمرة يبدو أنها تهدد مستقبلها. ولهذا السبب قرر لويس الرابع عشر وكولبيرت التدخل قبل فوات الأوان. تعيين تعيين، على وجه الخصوص، وضعت في خطة لإعادة تنظيم اللازمة من فرنسا الجديدة. والواقع أنه منذ تشامبلين كان المحافظون يتمتعون بأوسع السلطات. وعلى الرغم من أن النظامين الملكيين لعامي 1647 و 1648 قد أنشأا مجلسا يتمتع بسلطات تشريعية وتنفيذية وقضائية، إلا أن هذا المجلس ظل مع ذلك تحت سيطرة الحاكم الذي كان يسود رأيه دائما. وبما أن الحاكم يتمتع بحقه في استخدام حق النقض، فقد استمر في الحفاظ على السلطة التي كان يتمتع بها شامبلان وخلفائه المباشرون. كان هذا النظام بدائيا جدا لآخر. وسرعان ما أظهرت الزيادة في عدد السكان ضعفها. حوالي 1660 المستوطنين يطالبون بالتغيير. وعلاوة على ذلك، تعبت من الجمود من كومباني دي سينت-أسوسيس، التي لم تعد قادرة على الوفاء بالتزاماتها، كانوا يطالبون بحله. وكان لويس الرابع عشر، الذي تولى السلطة في 1661، على الفور على علم بمشكلة فرنسا الجديدة، ثم على حافة الخراب، وفقا لشهادة المعاصرة. عرف الملك نفسه بالعديد من التقارير عن المستعمرة التي منحها الجماهير لأشخاص بارزين حتى أنه أرسل محقق ملكية إلى أمريكا انظر مونتس. ومن الواضح تماما أن هناك حاجة إلى معالجة جديدة. في بداية عام 1663 وافق لويس الرابع عشر على انسحاب شركة سينت-أسوسيس. أصبحت فرنسا الجديدة ملكية ملكية مرة أخرى. ثم شرع لويس الرابع عشر في إجراء إعادة تنظيم إدارية واسعة للمستعمرة. تم تخفيض سلطات المحافظين بشكل واضح، ونقل العديد منهم إلى المتخلف و كونسيلين سوفيرين. الحاكم، أول شخصية في التسلسل الهرمي لفرنسا الجديدة، وجه المسائل العسكرية والسياسة الخارجية (الهنود والمستعمرات الإنجليزية في أمريكا)، بالإضافة إلى ممارسة رقابة معينة على رجال الدين والطوائف الدينية، والتعليم. ومن جانبه، كان المتقاعد مسؤولا عن جميع الإدارة المدنية. إنشاء مجلس سوفرين في أبريل 1663 تميز إنشاء العدالة الملكية في فرنسا الجديدة. لم يتم قمع محاكم الدفاع عن النفس نتيجة لذلك، على الرغم من أن اختصاصها اقتصر بسرعة على العدالة الأدنى، والعدالة الوسطى والعالية من الآن فصاعدا من صلاحيات المحاكم الملكية. في الواقع، من 1666 على مدينتي كيبيك و ترويس-ريفيرز مونتريال حذو حذوها في 1693 على حد سواء قدمت مع المحكمة الابتدائية، و برفت (المحكمة بروفوست) أو الاختصاص. التي تستمع أيضا إلى الطعون المقدمة من محاكم الدفاع عن النفس في إطار اختصاصها. ويمكن الطعن في قرارات هذه المحاكم أمام المجلس الأعلى للسجون، وهو أعلى محكمة في البلد. وكان هذا المجلس مؤلفا من الحاكم، والأسقف، والمقصود، وخمسة مستشارين. وعلى الرغم من أن المحكمة كانت قبل كل شيء محكمة العدل، إلا أنها استوفت في البداية بعض المهام الإدارية، التي كان من المقرر إعفاؤها بالكامل في نهاية القرن. لقد انقضى عام واحد فقط منذ إعادة بناء المستعمرة إلى المجال الملكي من قبل سينت-أسوسيس عندما في مايو 1664 أنشأ لويس الرابع عشر شركة ديس إندس أوتسيدنتاليس، التي منح فيها جميع حقوق الملكية والعدالة و سيغنيوري. الملك ملك لنفسه، ومع ذلك، شرف تسليم لجانهم إلى الحكام، وكذلك لضباط مجلس سوفرين وبعد ذلك إلى المتخلفين الذين نظروا من الناحية النظرية وتعيين من قبل الشركة. ولدى وصوله إلى مستعمرة تالون تحمل لقب العدالة المتسلطة والشرطة والمالية في كندا، أكاديا، وجزيرة نيوفاوندلاند، وغيرها من بلدان أمريكا الشمالية في فرنسا. وكانت واجباته كثيرة كما كانت متنوعة: لحضور مجالس الحرب، وسماع الشكاوى من جميع الأشخاص، وتحقيق العدالة الجيدة والسريعة، والتحقيق في جميع التعهدات ضد خدمة الملوك، لاتخاذ إجراءات، بما في ذلك تنفيذ وتعيين عدد من القضاة والأشخاص المدربين تدريبا قانونيا الذي يقتضيه القانون، بصفة عامة، لإدراك جميع الجرائم والإساءات والممارسات السيئة، لرئاسة مجلس الدولة سوفيرين في غياب المدعي العام، والحاكم، والحكم وحده ودون الطعن في القضايا المدنية. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، في مجال الشؤون المالية كان عليه أن يراقب المراقبة والمناولة وتوزيع الأموال المخصصة لصيانة الجنود أو للأحكام والذخيرة والإصلاحات والتحصينات والقروض والضرائب وغيرها من النفقات للتحقق وإغلاق التصريحات والأوامر التي قدمها القائم بأعمال القائد العام، وتقديم بيانات فحصه عن الحشوات والتفتيش، والقوائم، والسجلات. وبصفة عامة، كان عليه أن يفعل ويأمر، في حدود وظيفته، بما يراه ضروريا من أجل صالح الإدارة ومصلحتها. في العام نفسه الذي وصل تالون، هبطت في كيبيك القوات وعدت من قبل الملك لإخضاع إيروقويز، الذي كان لويس الرابع عشر عازم على إبادة تماما. وبحلول صيف عام 1665، وتحسبا للعمل المستقبلي، كان للواء بروفيل دي تريسي ثلاثة حصون بنيت على ريتشيليو كانت تهدف إلى الدفاع عن النهج المستعمرة والعمل كبؤر استيطانية وحجارة على الطريق إلى كان من المقرر أن يبنى البلد الإيروكويز في العام التالي. وأظهرت النتانة طاقة كبيرة في شراء 1،300 جندي المأوى والإمدادات والملابس والأدوات والأسلحة التي كانوا بحاجة إليها لتمرير فصل الشتاء. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك فإن معظم الاستعدادات المادية للبعثة المسقطة كانت تعتمد عليه. وعلى وجه الخصوص، كان يتعين على الجيش أن يكون مجهزا بنباح وقوارب مسطحة القاع، والتي بنيها تالون في المستعمرة. بدلا من حملة واحدة، كان هناك اثنين: كورسيلس خلال فصل الشتاء من 166566، وآخر بقيادة تريسي نفسه في خريف عام 1666. في العام التالي استسلم إيروكوا. إذا، بناء على طلب من تريسي وكورسيل، لم يصاحب المتخلفين القوات في كانتونات إيروقويز، وقال انه لا تقل حصة كبيرة جدا في نجاح الأسلحة الفرنسية من خلال العناية المستمرة والدقيقة في وضع في التصرف من الجيش كل ما كان ضروريا للحرب، على الرغم من فقر المستعمرة، وعدم وجود الطرق، والمسافات. في الوقت الذي تعاون فيه تالون مع القادة العسكريين، أهمل بأي حال من الأحوال الجوانب الأكثر سلمية من مهمته، وطبق نفسه لتنفيذ التعليمات التي أعطاها الملك في 27 مارس 1665. ويشير بيان هذه الوثيقة على الفور إلى بيان لويس الرابع عشر وكولبيرت في عام 1664، في ميثاق شركة أوسيدنتاليس كومباني ديس إندس، إلى أن المستعمرات وحركة المحيطات هي الوسيلة الوحيدة والحقيقية لإعطاء التجارة البريق الذي تتمتع به في البلدان الأجنبية. في الواقع، حث الملك تالون على اتخاذ الخطوات الأنسب لتوسيع المستعمرة، بحيث تكون قادرة قريبا على توفير احتياجاتها الخاصة وتوفير بعض المنتجات اللازمة لنمو الصناعة في البلد الأم لتحقيق ذلك كان ضروريا لتسوية البلاد، وتنمية الزراعة والتجارة، وإنشاء صناعات فيها. وعلى وجه الخصوص، حثت تعليماته تالون على دراسة إقامة العدل، من أجل أن تطبق عليه التصحيحات اللازمة أيضا، بالتعاون مع المجلس سوفرين، كان عليه أن يرى لإنشاء الإدارة السليمة. في سبتمبر 1665 وجد تالون المستعمرة خاوية تقريبا من محاكم العدل، باستثناء عدد قليل من المحاكم سينيوريال: تم إلغاء محكمة السنشال السابق في 1663، وكونسيل سوفيرين لم يجلس منذ 6 يوليو اجتمع بالفعل في 23 سبتمبر (1665) ، ولكن لغرض وحيد هو تسجيل لجان كورسيلس، تالونز، و لو بارويس و كومباني ديس إندس أوتشيدنتاليس لم تعين بعد أي قضاة. في مونتريال، صحيح، كان هناك وجود منذ عام 1663 محكمة سينيشالز الملكي، التي تم إنشاؤها من قبل الكونغرس سوفيرين بدلا من العدالة سينيوريال. ومع ذلك، تم إنشاء هذه المحكمة سينشالز في انتهاك لحقوق السالبيين تالون لذلك ألغت في 18 سبتمبر 1666، استعادة من قبل هذه الخطوة سينيوريال العدالة في مونتريال. وفي غياب المحاكم العادية، عمل المتقاعد كمحكم بين الأطراف المتقاضية: لقد قمت حتى الآن بتسوية جميع المسائل وجميع القضايا القانونية المعروضة على المحكمة. غير أن هذا الوضع لا يمكن أن يكون إلا مؤقتا. في صيف عام 1666 أعد تالون مسودة اللوائح التي قدمها إلى تريسي وكورسل: اقترح عليهم إعادة مجلس سفيرين، الذي تم تعيين أعضائه في الواقع في 6 ديسمبر من ذلك العام. من يناير 1667 على، اجتمع المجلس، ولكن بشكل غير منتظم. في غضون ذلك، في 1 مايو 1666، عينت شركة ديس إندس أوتسيدنتاليس لويس ثاندري تشارتييه دي لوتبينير ملازم عام للقضايا المدنية والجنائية في كيبيك تلقى المجلس يمينه وتركيبه في وظائفه 10 يناير 1667. في حوالي في الوقت نفسه تلقى ترويس-ريفيريس أيضا المحكمة الابتدائية. ونتيجة لذلك، استطاع تالون في كتابه مموير سور لوت بريسنت دو كانادا في 1667 تالون أن يصف إقامة العدل في المستعمرة على النحو التالي: يتم تقديمه في المقام الأول من قبل قاض سيوريوريال، ثم من قبل ملازم مدني وجنائي يدعى الشركة في كل من ولايات كيبيك و ترويس-ريفيريس، وعلى كل من هناك كونسيل سوفيرين الذي القضاة في الملاذ الأخير جميع الحالات التي يتم الطعن فيها. أرادت النية الحد من عدد الدعاوى القضائية، التي كانت متكررة جدا في المستعمرة. وقال إنه يعتقد في فعالية التسويات خارج المحكمة التي كان قد حاولت في بداية إدارته والذي كتب، وأنا يلجأ مع السرور: هذه الطريقة أكثر لطيف. يوفر وقتا ثمينا للأطراف التي تعيش في أماكن بعيدة لا يمكنهم تركها إلا بالزورق. وفي 20 آب / أغسطس 1667، حصل على من مجلس الكونغرس ربما بناء على طلبه، وعلى الرغم من معارضة كورسيلس أنه ينبغي أولا أن تعرض عليه جميع قضايا المحكمة الابتدائية، لكي يعينها للولاية القضائية التي ينبغي أن تتعامل معها إذا فعل لا يجد أي وسيلة للوصول إلى تسوية خارج المحكمة، أو أنه إذا تطلب الأمر منه أن يحيط علما به، فإنه قد يؤكد اختصاصه في الحكم عليه بنفسه. في عام 1671، كما خلق كورسيل صعوبات بالنسبة له، استشار تالون الوزير، الذي لم يوافق على إجراءاته، التي اعتبرها قليلا على عكس طرق العدالة. كولبير، الذي حث تالون على تنفيذ واجبات جيدة باتيرفاميلياس، لا تبدو مع صالح على النظام القضائي الذي، على الرغم من أبوية، كان موجزا جدا. كونه مسؤولا عن أعمال الشرطة بقدر ما كان من أجل العدالة، فإن المتخلف لم يؤخر في توجيه انتباهه إليها. في وقت مبكر من صيف عام 1666، في مسودته للأنظمة التي تم تسجيلها في كونسيل سوفرين في 24 يناير 1667، كشف تالون عزمه على إقامة النظام في حياة المستعمرة. ومع ذلك، نظرا لأن معظم قراراته قد فقدت، فمن الصعب أن نرى عمله في هذا المجال. ومع ذلك فإن سجلات المجلس سوفرين تسمح لنا في بعض الأحيان للكشف وكثيرا ما لتخمين تأثير المتخلفين في رسم التشريع المستعمرات، والجسم كله منها، للفترة التي امتدت تالون إدارتين، لافت للنظر لتماسكها والواقعية. اتبعت النية سياسة محددة جيدا، والتي كان في الواقع قد نقلت له من قبل كولبيرت كبيرة نفسه: يجب أن نضع دائما في الاعتبار الخطة التي أنا الخطوط العريضة لك في بضع كلمات والتي تتوافق مع ما هو وارد في طول أكبر في تعليماتكم والمقابلات التي أجريتها معك هنا، ويجب ألا تغادر أبدا. النقطة الأولى في هذه الخطة تتعلق بتأجيج البلاد. وبغية زيادة عدد السكان، اعتمدت تدابير مختلفة، كانت أحيانا قوية جدا. أولا، تم تشجيع الهجرة. من 1665 إلى 1672 هبط 1500 مستوطن في كندا، إما كموظفين متقاعدين أو ببساطة كمهاجرين. وقد تم تجنيد الموظفين الذين تتراوح أعمارهم بين 16 و 40 عاما ونقلهم إلى كندا مقابل وعدهم بالعمل لصالح مستوطن لمدة ثلاث سنوات وتم ضمان مرورهم وتلقوا رواتب متواضعة. في نهاية مشاركتهم تلقوا قطعة أرض، وبعض الإمدادات والأدوات. وقد وفر هذا النظام ميزة مزدوجة: فقد وفر للمستعمرين طاقة ثمينة، وأعطوا القادمين الجدد وقتا للتكيف مع الظروف الخاصة للعمل الزراعي في فرنسا الجديدة. وقد منح المهاجرون الذين جاءوا من تلقاء أنفسهم قطعة أرض، تم تطهيرها وفدانين منها، فضلا عن الأدوات والإمدادات الأساسية لمدة سنة أو سنتين في مقابل تعهدهم بإزالة فدانين ووضعهما في المزرعة للوصول إلى المستقبل. وهكذا تلقى الموظفون المستأجرون والمهاجرون مساعدة كبيرة، من خلال المساعدة. تالون المطلوب الهجرة الهائلة ولكن كولبير التمسك بمبدأ أن فرنسا القديمة لا ينبغي أن تكون منزوعة السكان لصالح فرنسا الجديدة. ومع ذلك فقد أعطى الوزير أوامره بتشجيع جنود فصيل كارينان - ساليريس على التعود على المستعمرة. وقد عازف المتجسد جهوده في هذا مع كل اقتناع أكثر لأنه كان يحسب كثيرا على الاستعمار من قبل الجيش للدفاع عن البلاد. وعلى الرغم من معارضة بعض الدوائر، نجح تالون في إقناع العديد من الضباط بالاستيلاء على الأرض جنبا إلى جنب مع رجالهم، وحصل على إكراميات (حوالي 44 ألف ليرة على الإطلاق) لأشد الناس حماسا، حيث يقدر أن 800 جندي استقروا في المستعمرة، المستمدة من فوج كارينان-ساليريس ومن الشركات التي هبطت في عام 1670. ومن المتوقع أن يجد المواطنون والجنود والمستوطنون المقيمون منازل. بالنسبة لهم كولبير، إعارة فعالة من قبل تالون، أرسلت إلى فرنسا الجديدة عدد كبير من المهاجرات. في سبع سنوات وجدت أكثر من 1000 ملوك بنات (فيلس دو روي) الأزواج بعد فترة وجيزة من الهبوط من سفنهم. من بينهم، بعض الفتيات من ولادة عالية التي كانت مخصصة للضباط السابقين في فوج كاريغنان-ساليريس، تلقى مهر من المتطفل، الذي أراد بهذه الطريقة لتشجيع زواجهم. وبالنسبة للآخرين قام تالون بتسليم بعض الأحكام و 50 ليرة في السلع المناسبة لأسرهم. ومن ثم، لم يطرأ أي تغيير على رغبة المتخلفين في تشجيع الزواج والولادة، حيث لجأ إلى تدابير تتعارض أحيانا مع الحرية الفردية الطبيعية. غير أنه لم يكن راضيا عن حث الوالدين على الزواج من أبنائهما بمجرد أن يكونا قدرا كافيا من العمر لإعالة أنفسهم، بل إنه جعل آباء الفتيان والفتيات غير المتزوجين يظهرون في مكتب التسجيل لشرح أنفسهم. وبالمثل، وقع في 20 تشرين الأول / أكتوبر 1671 مرسوما يلزم العزاب بالزواج من الفتيات الصغيرات اللواتي وصلن من فرنسا، تحت طائلة حرمانهن من امتياز الصيد والصيد والمشاركة في تجارة الفراء: يمكن للمرء أن يقول إنه حرم والمقيمين من أي فرصة لكسب لقمة العيش في المستعمرة. وإلى جانب هذه التدابير التي تثير لنا شدتها، فقد اعتمدها الآخرون (مرسوم جلالة الملكة في 5 أبريل 1669) الذي كان أكثر إنسانية في طابعه: أراد أن يمنح الشرف لرؤساء أكبر العائلات، ومكاتب لأبناء 10 أطفال مولودين في إطار زواج شرعي، وليسوا كهنة أو دينيين أو راهبات أعطى منحة سنوية قدرها 300 فرد. و 400 لآباء 12 طفلا من الشباب الذين تزوجوا عندما كانوا في العشرين من العمر أو أقل من ذلك قدم 20 ليفرس. تالون لم يخيب أمله في توقعاته: في 1671، أعلن بفخر كولبير، كان هناك ما بين 600 و 700 ولادة في المستعمرة. في وقت إدارة التالون الثانية، ومع ذلك، فإن ظاهرة جديدة نسبيا للخطر سياسته لزيادة السكان: الرجال والشبان كانوا أكثر وأكثر أخذ للذهاب إلى الغابة، والتخلي عن منازلهم، الذين يعيشون مثل الهنود ويواصلون مهنة حقيقية من قطاع الطرق. في 5 يونيو 1672 أصدر تالون مرسوما يحظر على أي شخص أن يأخذ إلى الغابة دون ترخيص من الحاكم أو المتقصد. في ذلك الوقت، على أوامر كولبرتس، تالون كان يطبق نفسه على الثقافات الهنود، لإحضارهم على العيش بين البيض و أن يتحدوا معهم عن طريق الزواج، كان يشهد، من خلال عكس السخرية من الوضع، و انشقاق الفرنسيين. إذا كان قد بقى لفترة أطول في المستعمرة، كان تالون قد تحقق من دقة الملاحظة التي أدلى بها ماري دي لينكارناتيون انظر غوارت، أن الفرنسي يصبح الهندي أكثر سهولة من الهندي يصبح فرنسيا. وهكذا، على هاتين النقطتين، أخذ إلى الغابة واستيعاب الهنود، التقى المتخلف مع فشل كامل. ومع ذلك فإن سياسة ملء البلاد التي قام بها كولبيرت وتالون فعلت على العموم تعطي النتائج المرجوة. واقتناعا منه، مثل سيده، بأن الرجال هم الثروة الأساسية لدولة ما، فإن هدفه كان يسعى إلى تحقيق هدفه بشغف حقيقي، ونتيجة لذلك، من 1666 إلى 1673، إذا ذهبنا من خلال التعدادات (التي لا تكون دائما موثوقة جدا) ، يبدو أن عدد سكان كندا قد تضاعف أكثر من الضعف، إذ ارتفع من 2215 إلى 605 7 نسمة. ولا يمكن لشعب البلد أن يمضي دون تسوية. في وقت مبكر من خريف عام 1665 جعلت تالون نقطة تشجيع بطريقة عقلانية غرس عدد كبير من السكان الذين يمتلكون الأرض. لأنه كان من الضروري قبل كل شيء آخر، وفقا لرغبة كولبرتس، أن المستعمرة يجب أن تصبح مكتفية ذاتيا في أقرب وقت ممكن، وخاصة فيما يتعلق الطعام كان تالون بالمثل يريد جعل المنتجات الزراعية واحدة من قواعد التجارة الكندية مع فرنسا و خاصة مع جزر الهند الغربية. ولذلك لم يكن جهده مجرد ضمان لفرنسا الجديدة اقتصاد الكفاف، بل وضع الزراعة على أساس تجاري. خلال شتاء 166566 اختار تالون مساحة كبيرة من الأرض بالقرب من كيبيك لإنشاء ثلاث قرى زراعية. كانت هذه الأرض ملكا لليسوعيين، الذين اعترضوا ولكن المتقدما تقدم حجة الصالح العام، الذي وضعه ضد الميزة الخاصة للدين كولبير أعطى موافقته، واليسوعيون أعطوا على مضض جزء من سيغنيري من نوتردام - ديس-أنجس، التي منحتهم في عام 1626. وفي إنشاء مجتمعات بورغ-رويال، وبورغ-لا-رين، وبورغ-تالون، كان الهدف المتعمد يسعى إلى تحقيق هدف مزدوج: تقديم مثال للمساكن التي بنيت بجوار واحد آخر، وإعداد في الوقت نفسه 30 أو 40 قطعة من الأراضي التي كان كولبير طلب كل عام للأسر الجديدة، الذي أضاف تالون الجنود الذين سيحلون في البلاد. من أجل تحقيق الهدف الأول، اعتمد تالون لقره خطة جديدة تماما في كندا: قطع الأرض كانت ثلاثية، وكتب تشابيس، والمساكن، التي بنيت على قمة المثلث، تم تجميعها جميعا حول مربع أو المستطيل حيث الكنيسة أو الكنيسة كان في الارتفاع. وبدون التقليل من مساحة قطع الأرض، كان لهذا الترتيب ميزة الجمع بين السكان، الذين يمكن أن يساعدوا بعضهم البعض بشكل أفضل، وجعلهم بالقرب من الكاهن، الجراح، و كاتب العدل. وحتى ذلك الوقت، كان النظام سيوريوريال قد تطور قليلا عشوائيا: في المحكمة كان من المؤسف أن سينيريز التي كانت لا تزال كثيفة الغابات خلق الثغرات على طول سانت لورانس التي كانت تضر بالدفاع عن البلاد (وقد أثبتت حرب إيروكويز أن )، فضلا عن مركزية الخدمات. ونتيجة لذلك، كان من الضروري زيادة عدد القضاة وكتاب العدل والجراحين الذين أفضى ذلك إلى معيشة فقيرة، لأن التسوية لم تتم من ناحية بطريقة منظمة، ومن جهة أخرى، كانت إهمال أو سخية جدا هبت اليسار يقف جدران حقيقية من الغابات على طول حدود مجالاتهم. غير أن تالون لم يكن راضيا عن وضع مثال عن طريق وضع قرىه الريفية في المزرعة، وتناول جميع المشاكل في وقت واحد. سعى لملء البقع التي كانت لا تزال فارغة على طول شواطئ سانت لورانس من خلال توزيع نحو 60 إقطاع. وعلاوة على ذلك، فقد أصدر في مرسوم مؤرخ 22 أيار / مايو 1667 أحكاما تنص على أن يدرج في العقود المتعلقة بمنح الأراضي الشروط التالية: التزام على حاملي الوثائق بالاقامة في غضون 12 شهرا من تلقي المنحة، فدان كل عام على ألم إعادة بيع العقار وبالتالي منح حظرا على بيع أرضه من قبل صاحب النسخ قبل أن يكون قد بني مسكنا على ذلك وقام بتطهير فدانين. وقد تم حساب هذه التدابير بشكل جيد لضمان الاستيلاء الفعلي على التربة والاستيطان المستمر لشواطئ سانت لورانس. ومع ذلك، ظلت هناك شقوق كبيرة جدا وأن أصحابها من غير المرجح أن يزيلوا تماما. ولفت تالون انتباهه إليهم: بدءا من 1666 و 1667، أمر بإعداد سجل للممتلكات التي تم هبطها، للسماح بإجراء مسح عام للوضع. كما وضع تصور مع كولبير خطة للحد من أبعاد هذه المجالات، التي يمكن منحها العاشر أو الخامس عشر كل عام إلى أكثر حماسا أو أكثر قدرة على الحكم. في 27 سبتمبر 1672، وتحسبا لتطبيق هذا الإجراء، تطلبت النية كل من يمتلكون أكثر من 400 فدان من الأراضي التي تم الحصول عليها قبل السنوات العشر الأخيرة، لإعلان مدى ونوعية الأراضي التي يمتلكونها، أو غير واضحة، وعدد المستأجرين، وتفاصيل أخرى محسوبة لتنويره عن الحالة الحقيقية للتسوية في وادي سانت لورانس. بعد رحيل تالونس (نوفمبر 1672)، لا يبدو أن هذا المشروع قد تم متابعتها. وكانت هذه المحاولة لضمان التسوية العقلانية السبب في تعيين اثنين من المساحين: لويس مارين باوتشر، ديت بويسبيسون (مايو 1672)، وجان لو روج (5 نوفمبر 1672). وقد اتبع تالون، في جميع النواحي، التوجيهات الدقيقة الواردة في تعليماته: السعي إلى معالجة تشتت السكان من خلال إزالة الأراضي خطوة خطوة تجعل المستوطنين يأخذون محل الإقامة لصالح المستوطنين الجدد الأجزاء التي لم تطهر بعد من المجالات التي كانت واسعة جدا تستعد كل سنة 30 أو 40 مسكن لأسر جديدة عن طريق خفض الغابات والأراضي التي تم تطهيرها المصنفة على حساب صاحب الجلالة. نحن نفتقر إلى الأرقام الدقيقة لتقييم عمل التلون في مجمله، ولكن ما يلي يكفي لإظهار أن هناك تقدما: من 1667 إلى 1668 ارتفع عدد فدان المزروعة في المستعمرة من 11،448 إلى 15،649 في 1668 بلغ محصول القمح 130،978 بوشل. القمح حتى الآن، اعترف بيير باوتشر في 1664، كان لدينا واحد الفكر من القمح. باعتبارها الأكثر ضرورة بالنسبة لنا. وفي الوقت الذي تشجع فيه تالون هذه الحبوب الأساسية والخضراوات مثل البازلاء والفاصوليا التي تشكل الغذاء الأساسي للمستوطنين، فإن تالون، وفقا للتوجيهات التي تلقاها من البلد الأم، سعت إلى إدخالها في قنب المستعمرة والكتان ، والقفزات، والتي من شأنها أن توفر المصانع التي كان يحلم بالفعل. بعد ميله لتدابير حيوية، وقال انه استولى في 1666 كل خيط مخزنة في مستودعات المستعمرة، من أجل جعل المستوطنين يزرعون القنب. وقد وزع البذور عليهم، ولم يحضروا له تشجيعاتهم وطلب منهم إعادته بنفس الكمية في السنة التالية. في عام 1669 بدأ إنتاج الخيط والقماش بدأت تالون بشراء محاصيل القنب من مستوطنين لإثبات للمستعمرين أنها سوف تجد سوقا لهذا المنتج. ويبدو أن إنتاج الكتان والقنب له مستقبل متوهجة: ففي ثلاث سنوات من الآن، كتب تالون في عام 1671، سيتلقى المستوطنون من محاصيلهم وتصنيعهم الخاص، وربما كل قطعة القماش التي يحتاجونها لأنفسهم، في المتوسط، بلغت قيمة الاستهلاك السنوي من القماش لأكثر من 60،000 ليفريس في ست سنوات، وقال انه يتوقع، يمكن تصدير القماش إلى فرنسا. وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، بدأ تصنيع الحبال وغيرها من أنواع الحبال الصغيرة. وشجع أيضا تزايد القفزات والشعير، الذي اشترى له مصنع الجعة له. مرة أخرى وضع مثالا على ذلك: كان لديه 6000 أعمدة من القفزات زرعت على أرضه في ليس إيسليتس. وباختصار، أعطى هذا الزخم للزراعة، أن المستعمرة سرعان ما كان لها فائض: في 1667 و 1668 البازلاء، على حد سواء الخضراء والمجففة والقفزات والشعير تم تصديرها إلى جزر الهند الغربية في 1672 فرونتيناك انظر بويدي تحدث عن المنتجات، ولا سيما القمح، التي كان للمستعمرة الكثير منها. تالون كان أقل نشاطا في زيادة الثروة الحيوانية في فرنسا الجديدة، والتي حتى ذلك الحين كانت تتألف تقريبا تقريبا من الماشية، وبدرجة أقل، الخنازير. وصلت الخيول والأغنام من فرنسا كل عام تقريبا، ولكن بكميات محدودة (41 خيول و 80 من الأغنام من 1665 إلى 1668). وكان تالون ناجحا جدا في تشجيع المستوطنين على زيادة عدد حيواناتهم واتخذوا هذه التدابير المناسبة التي تم الحصول عليها في بضع سنوات نتائج مذهلة: من قبل 1670 الخيول كثيرة بما فيه الكفاية للتداول فيها ليتم تنفيذها في 1671 لا أكثر لحم الخنزير الملح تم استيرادها من لاروشيل، والتي عادة ما وفرت 800 برميل منها كل عام في نفس الفترة كانت المستعمرة تنتج الجلود الكافية لحذاء جميع السكان. ومع ذلك، كان الصوف نادرا: كانت الأغنام قليلة، وكان كولبير لا يميل إلى إرسال المزيد إلى المستعمرة على الرغم من احتجاجات تالونس، وظل الوزير مصاغا. في خمس سنوات قام تالون بالكثير من أجل الزراعة الكندية: حيث قام بتنويع إنتاجه ووضعه بشكل مؤقت على أساس تجاري، وكذلك اهتمام المستوطنين في تربية الأسماك. ومع ذلك، وبعده تزايد المحاصيل للاستخدام الصناعي، والتي لم يكن المستوطنون لديهم الوقت ليصبحوا على دراية، اختفى تقريبا تقريبا لعدم وجود تشجيع والأسواق المستعمرة عادت بسرعة إلى زراعة القمح وزراعة الكفاف. وكانت تالونس البقاء قصيرة جدا. وكان التخلي عن زراعة المحاصيل الحقلية للاستخدام الصناعي نتيجة اختفاء الصناعات التحويلية التي أوجدها المتكلف لاستيعاب الفوائض الزراعية أو تباطؤها. وقد أدى غياب تالون الذي كان يعرف كيفية تشجيع المستوطنين وتحفيزهم ووقف الإعانات المالية إلى وضع حد للعمل الذي ما زال غير مستقر والذي تم إنشاؤه بشق الأنفس دون مساعدة كافية من البلد الأم: التصنيع هناك يكمن في صناعة المستوطنين وعملهم، بدلا من المساعدة التي يمكن للملك أن يعطيها، وقد كتب كولبير في وقت مبكر من 1666. في بداية إدارته تالون قد أدخلت تلوح في المستعمرة. ولم يقتصر الأمر على حث النساء والفتيات على تعلم السپين، بل كان يوزع أيضا على المنازل الخاصة على الندوة التي زودها بالإضافة إلى القنب والصوف. In 1671 he announced to Colbert that he had had the wool made into drugget, barracan, coarse muslin, and serge now the colony was ready to make cloth. Moreover, he added, Nearly a third of the shoes are made from native leathers, and at the present time I have from what is produced in Canada all that I need to clothe myself from head to foot. He had, in fact, set up at Quebec a hat factory and had made possible in 1668 the establishment of a tannery at Pointe-Lvy. With his son-in-law and partner tienne Charest, Franois Byssot worked the hides of cattle, elk, deer, and even of porpoises and seals. Besides bestowing 3,268 livres upon Byssot, Talon ordered from him large quantities of shoes for the troops. The undertaking prospered so well that in 1673 the intendant (who was back in France) estimated the production of shoes at 8,000 pairs a year. This was, moreover, one of the rare industries to survive Talons departure most of them, like hat-making, being entirely supported by the intendant, did not last. Talons most important achievement in his search for outlets for the agricultural products was the brewery that he had caused to be built at Quebec between 1668 and 1670. In 1667 he had received from the king two vats which he wanted to use for making beer, and from Colbert he received permission to set up a brewery. At this time New France was spending 100,000 livres each year on the purchase of wines and spirits. In order to keep this money in the colony and to put to use the surplus barley and wheat, the intendant had the Conseil Souverain issue an ordinance encouraging the setting up of breweries by limiting to 1,200 hogsheads the annual importation of alcoholic beverages. Constructed during the period between Talons two terms of office, the brewery began production in 1670 on 2 Nov. 1671 Talon informed Colbert that it could supply 2,000 hogsheads of beer for the West Indies and a like amount for local consumption, which would bring about the processing of 12,000 bushels of grain per year. Unfortunately, after the intendants departure, the regulations concerning the importation of wines and spirits were eased in 1675 the brewery closed down. After remaining empty a long time, the building was sold to the king by Talon in 1685 and was fitted up to serve as a residence for the intendants of New France. If he applied himself to developing that basic resource, agriculture, Talon nonetheless did not neglect New Frances other great resource, the forest. Everything concurred, it is true, to favour the setting up of a lumber industry: on one hand Colbert wanted to equip France with a powerful navy and merchant marine the West Indies, on the other hand, needed wood for making the barrels, casks, and chests necessary for their trade. Towards these two poles Talon oriented the lumbering industry: to the mother country he sent masts and lumber to the West Indies, lighter woods, and particularly stave wood. This industry was not entirely new in the colony: as early as 1630 Nicolas Denys had undertaken it in Acadia in the St. Lawrence valley some settlers had at various times shipped wood to France. But it fell to Talon to give it a new impetus and to push it on to a point that had not been attained up till then. During the winter of 166566 Talon had the forests inspected, in order to receive information about the quantity and quality of the trees suitable for ship-building. Of all the woods, oak was the most sought after. Unfortunately there was hardly any close to the St. Lawrence the intendant hit upon the idea of using the tributary rivers for floating the logs. In 1667 he sent off his first shipments: to the West Indies planks, stave wood, and some small masts to France small masts, spars, and other pieces for building ships at Quebec itself wood had been in use for a year for the ship-building yard. Anxious not to squander this resource, Talon signed three ordinances in 1670 and 1671 forbidding the settlers to cut down or burn oak and other species of trees suitable for ship-building before the kings carpenters had examined them. The lumbering industry did not however become as important as the intendant would have liked. In particular, the absence of sawmills there was only one in existence, it seems, which began operating at Montreal in 1670 constituted a major obstacle. Talon tried to bring from the English colonies workmen who were specialists in building these mills, but his scheme was not successful. Once again the new-born industry disappeared with the intendant. The trade in masts was to start up again in the colony, but much later. From the Canadian forest Talon wanted to extract other products: tar, potash, and soft soap. At his request, Colbert de Terron sent to Quebec in 1670 a tar-maker. The following year production had reached 8 barrels, 2 of which were shipped to France. Emboldened by his tar-makers promises, the intendant hoped for an excellent output but it was soon realized that for a long time only a very little tar would be obtained, and at very high cost. Patoulet. the intendants secretary, expressed the opinion that it was better to let the settlers make it and to buy their goods the scheme was given up. Talon had no more success with the potash and soft soap, despite the fact that in 1670 he had brought from France a specialist or self-styled one the Sieur Nicolas Follin, and that the king had granted the latter important commercial privileges. At the time of Talons departure Follin had not yet seriously set to work. These failures however are rather to be ascribed to the difficulties which such industries met in New France in the 17th century than to the intendant, who, as was his wont, did not stint his aid or his encouragements to the makers of tar and potash. Talons interest in the growing of hemp, in the lumber industry, and in the making of tar was directly linked to the ship-building industry which he was endeavouring to establish in the colony besides, he was well aware that these materials would be welcomed by Colbert, who, despite his mercantilist convictions, was forced to buy them in Scandinavia. The idea of building ships in Canada was however not new: for a long period, it is true, only barks and pinnaces had been built, principally to cope with emergencies but in 1664, at Colberts command and on the kings behalf, a galliot, a brigantine, and some ships of lesser tonnage had been laid down. Upon his arrival Talon took this activity in hand and with his special genius tried to establish it on solid foundations he sought to produce in the colony the cordage, the tar, and even the iron fittings that were required. The intendant succeeded in some of his ventures. He opened a shipyard on the Saint-Charles River, brought from France shipwrights and a foreman. Talons aim was to supply ships for the king on the one hand (Colbert had promised to order some from him), and to private individuals on the other, for the fishing industry and for trading with France and the West Indies. As early as the autumn of 1665 he had assembled some settlers to undertake the construction of ships of 20 and 40 tons burden he hoped that for them the king would approve of his bringing from France the ironwork, canvas, and cordage. He himself had a vessel of 120 tons burden built, which was completed in the spring of 1667. With the collaboration of some private individuals and thanks to a fund of 40,000 livres created in 1671, he was able to lay down a ship of 400 to 500 tons, and soon afterwards another of 800. Numerous difficulties arose however. Skilled labour was scarce: Talon reinforced the few shipwrights with house carpenters, who, for the sake of the trade that they were learning, pledged themselves to work for four years for their board and clothing only he even enlisted the help of soldiers and settlers who received training in handling the axe and were formed to the trade. Moreover the iron fittings, anchors, cordage, tars, compasses, etc. still had to be imported from France. The ships were very costly. In 1672 Frontenac, who had neither Talons patience nor his tenacity, wrote to the minister that he did not know whether, in view of the cost and the scarcity of workers which exists in this country, you would not find it more profitable for us to send you all the wood considered suitable for ship-building. rather than play at having them built here. This was an opinion that Colbert was quite disposed to listen to. Consequently, after the intendants departure all effective aid to the ship-building industry ceased, and the settlers were simply encouraged to build boats for their own needs. There was hardly any interest except in the barks and flat-bottomed boats required for the army only a few individuals occasionally built ships of greater tonnage for their trade. The shipbuilding industry had lost its impetus. In Talons mind ship-building was not unrelated to the need for developing the richest and perhaps the most accessible of the colonys resources: fish. What it had been possible to call a manna which surpasses all that one can imagine, had up till then had only a very limited attraction for the settlers, who were, it has been said, too preoccupied with obtaining wheat for themselves consequently, in 1663 a traveller compared the French in Canada to paralytics lying beside a great treasure. They were satisfied with using this manna merely for their sustenance a few only, who had gathered about Franois Byssot in 1650, made a commercial activity of fishing. However and Talon made the observation in 1673 all of Europe was eating dried cod France for its part had to import more than 1,500,000 livres worth of fish annually, without mentioning the West Indies and the Levant colonies, which ate Acadian cod supplied by the Boston fishing boats Although the king had not discussed fisheries with him in his written instructions, Talon concerned himself with them as soon as he reached Quebec. On 4 Oct. 1665 he announced to the minister that he had assembled some men for fishing work. The following year he reported on cod-fishing in the St. Lawrence and told how he had sent men to hunt seals. He endeavoured to have the settlers realize the advantages and profits that they could derive from fishing: he commissioned nine of them to fish for cod to supply the troops and the West Indies trade, in order to impart the desire to anyone who does not have it. And in fact, in 1667 he shipped to the West Indies salted salmon and eels, salt and dried cod, and seal oil. Talons ambition was to induce the settlers to develop fishing with a view to exporting. In 1666 he had an idea that bore fruit: fixed fisheries, which would be more profitable still than roving ones. The intendant dreamed of seeing the settlers located on their fishing grounds, attending to fishing in season and turning to lumbering or to hunting moose in the winter. This felicitous combination could not fail to attract enterprising spirits. Nevertheless it was not until 1671 and 1672 perhaps because of Talons absence from 1668 to 1670 that the first fishing centres were set up in the Gasp peninsula and Acadia, and on the Labrador coast. Shortly before leaving the colony, Talon was working at forming a company which would have brought into association the principal settlers who were interested in the fishing industry. He did not have time to carry out his plan, or else, did he meet some resistance among the colonists They, according to Frontenac, were afraid that wishing to be their own masters and directors of their businesses, they would lose their freedom to carry on in their own way. Did they have the impression, which was perhaps justified, that the intendant would have interfered a little too much in their activities However that may be, if the company did not come into existence, the movement in favour of fixed fisheries was so well launched that they were not given up after Talons departure although they were few in number, they enjoyed relative prosperity. The efforts which Talon exerted in the fields of agriculture, lumbering, and fishing, as well as his policy for peopling and colonizing the country, had as their ultimate aim the creation of a great trade. It was this aim that gave his work its admirable unity. In all sectors of the colonys economy he wanted to succeed in producing for export to transport merchandise, ships were needed: Talon had them built: whence the development, not only of the basic natural resources, but also of complementary industries, such as those for making tar and cordage. Canadian products would, naturally, be shipped to France, where there was a market for furs, fish, wood, hemp, tar, potash, as well as for iron, copper, and coal but most of Canadas products would be directed towards the West Indies, since New Frances economy complemented the mother countrys too little for there to be any hope of ever balancing their trade. Talon considered that it was possible however to balance Canadas trade through the southern part of America the West Indies, which was naturally deprived of the products necessary for food and clothing because of its exposure to the sun and its excessively hot climates. The intendant conceived of a three-way trade, Canada-West Indies-France, which, as a matter of fact, had been tried as early as 1653 by Jean-Paul Godefroy and his partners, although the results are not known. This triangular trade was started again by Talon in 1667, when he sent wood, fish, peas, and seal oil to the West Indies. The first trial was made by a ship belonging to the Compagnie des Indes occidentales, which returned to France laden with sugar. Each year after that two or three ships, some of which belonged to settlers, sailed to the West Indies with their cargo of products from Canada. In 1673, shortly before leaving Canada, Talon was optimistic: this trade, he wrote, is made up of the surplus of peas, salmon, salted eels, salt and dried cod, planks and stave wood, and it will grow with the surplus of wheat, which will be converted into flour, and it is estimated that Canada will be able to dispose of 30,000 bushels a year the quantity of peas may amount to 10,000 bushels salt meat, beef and pork, will not be the least important part of this trade, and I consider that. Canada will shortly be able to supply salt pork, which already she has stopped importing from France beer too enters into this trade, and I affirm that 2,000 hogsheads a year can be supplied to the Islands, and more, if they consume more there were even grounds for hoping soon to ship clothes of Canadian manufacture. These forecasts were not unreasonable. Unfortunately, Talons departure was fatal to his work and to the dealings with the West Indies: although they were not given up completely, they were never to justify the hopes that he had placed in them. The fact that navigation on the St. Lawrence was shut down for six months in winter and that ships could make only one trip a year did not help in developing trade. Combined with the enormous distances to be covered, this factor had an effect upon the profit-earning capacity of the exchanges. In 1669 Colbert had asked Talon to set up in Acadia some storage place where ships would have been able to unload and take on their merchandise and also make up enough time to complete two trips a year. Talon did not have time to create these warehouses it can be assumed however that the opening-up of the land route from Lvis to Pentagouet, of which he dreamed, was linked up with this plan. Talon wanted to set his great trade going with Acadia and Boston as well as with the West Indies. A stock-growing country, Acadia could supply salted meats. In 1671 for example the intendant had bought 60 quintals of beef there. In return Canada would send cereals and flour. In this way, and thanks to the line of communications which he hoped to open up between the two colonies, the intendant would have joined closely two regions of New France that had up till then been juxtaposed. Acadia had long been obtaining its supplies on the Boston market while trying to direct Acadias trade towards Quebec, the intendant did not nevertheless want to cut off economic relations with the English in America. With the kings approval he made advances to the authorities in Boston in order to set up a system of exchange. His departure, however, put a definite end to this bold plan. If the fruit of his efforts was almost entirely lost after Talon had returned to France, this can be ascribed in good measure to the lack of interest on the part of the court and the colonial administrators. Talons projects were workable the only thing that was to be lacking was effective support from his successors and financial aid from the mother country. On leaving France in 1665 Talon had received from the king a promise that he would have to stay only two years in Canada. Consequently in November 1666 he had reminded the monarch that the end of his term of office was approaching from Colbert he had requested permission to leave, in view of his ill health. Nevertheless on 5 April 1667 Colbert had told him that he was to spend a third year in New France. The following autumn Talon had been more insistent: his health and family matters compelled him to return to France. Yielding to his requests, Colbert had appointed to replace him the Sieur de Boutroue. who landed at Quebec in September 1668. Talon left shortly afterwards, on 10 November, regretted by all: Since he has been here as intendant, wrote Marie de lIncarnation, the country has developed and business has progressed more than they had done since the French have been here. There was satisfaction too in France. Colbert did not try to conceal it: he received Talon and accompanied him into the presence of the king, who talked for an hour with the former intendant. Delighted with the colonys progress, Louis XIV and the minister were afraid that Talons absence might harm Canada: they persuaded him to return there in the spring of 1669. Talon took advantage of his stay in Paris to have certain measures adopted: freedom of trade for Canada, the decree of 5 April 1669 giving assistance to marriages, another on 16 April for the control of import duties on Canadian cod and coal, and the return to New France of the Recollets. In addition, at his request Colbert allocated 200,000 livres to the colony, providing for the passage of 150 filles du roi . 6 companies of 50 soldiers each, and of more than 30 officers and gentlemen he gave orders for the sending of 12 mares, 2 stallions, and 50 ewes finally, he allowed him some shipwrights. Talons new commission was signed on 10 May 1669 on the 17th he received his instructions and on 15 July he sailed from La Rochelle after settling his family affairs. Caught in a gale, the ship spent three months struggling against the elements it finally put into Lisbon, to be shipwrecked shortly afterwards three leagues out of this port. Talon escaped safe and sound, but his arrival in New France was delayed by a year. It was not until 18 Aug. 1670, after being at sea for three months and going aground off Tadoussac, that he landed at Quebec. Immediately Talon took up his task again, pursuing aims that he had set himself during his first term as intendant. This time, however, he concerned himself greatly with the external affairs of the colony, even infringing on occasion upon the governors province. His new concerns, which caused him to send resolute persons to the four corners of the country discoverers and ambassadors are the outstanding feature of his second term of administration: he tried, in Lionel Groulxs words, to relate New France to its natural ties, geographic as well as economic, in short, to its American milieu. Hardly had he arrived than he was writing to Colbert on 10 Nov. 1670: This country is laid out in such a way that by means of the St. Lawrence one can go everywhere inland, thanks to the lakes which lead to its source in the West and to the rivers that flow into it along its shores, opening the way to the North and the South. Talon was hearing the fascinating appeal of the unknown regions along the inviting network of the river routes he was about to send forth his explorers. He was not however yielding to simple curiosity. His aim was to give the colony its natural frontiers, to organize its trade, to reinforce its alliances, so that what had been created on the shores of the St. Lawrence could attain its full development. In particular Talon felt the full weight of the presence of the English on the continent. He had in fact been disturbed about it from the time of his first administration. On 13 Nov. 1666, for example, he had suggested to Louis XIV and Colbert the conquest or the acquisition of New Holland in order, he said, to provide a second way of access to Canada and to prevent pelts from being diverted to Manhattan and Orange moreover, he added, this would be the means of putting the Iroquois at the mercy of the French and of shutting the English up inside the boundaries of their territories. This idea, which was to be taken up again at the end of the century, was not accepted by the court. Nevertheless Talon gave proof of keen political vision, as he also did when he confided to Tracy and Courcelle his fear that in the event of war the English would attack Canada simultaneously from the upper and lower reaches of the St. Lawrence. This was foreseeing, 24 years ahead, almost exactly the tactics of the English when, in 1690, they sought to hem in the colony. During his second mandate Talon was even more obsessed by these preoccupations. Thus, in the autumn of 1670 he told the minister about the acts of piracy by the Iroquois, who were seizing French furs to sell them to the English and the Dutch. To put an end to this practice, which each year was costing Canadas trade 1,200,000 livres of beaver pelts, he suggested two posts, one to the north and the other to the south of Lake Ontario, to protect the movement of the Ottawa Indians coming to trade, and the building of a galley to ensure freedom of navigation on the lake. In order to carry out this project he asked for a company of 100 soldiers and 15,000 livres . In reply Colbert told him to transmit this idea to M. de Courcelle, on whom the responsibility rested, so that he might carry it out if it were worthwhile. Still with a view to increasing the profits of the fur trade, Talon made another suggestion, a very daring one: that an attempt be made to harness the Ottawa Rapids, which interfere to such an extent with the Indians travelling by water, that sometimes they are discouraged from coming down to us to bring us their pelts. The Indians, who would profit from this, would pay in return some slight tax on the furs that they would be transporting. The desire to get ahead of the English by taking possession of territory, the need to extend the trade in furs, the obsession with the China Sea, together with the search for mines: these were the motives that incited Talon to set in motion a veritable exploration programme. In his usual way he wanted these undertakings to be carried out in an orderly manner: In all places these adventurers the explorers are to keep diaries and answer on their return to the instructions that I have given them in writing. In all places they are to take possession, set up the Kings arms, and draw up reports to serve as title claims. At the moment that Talon was writing these lines, in the autumn of 1670, a year had already gone by since Cavelier de La Salle had set out, supplied with letters patent from M. de Courcelle and accompanied by the Sulpicians Dollier de Casson and Brhant de Galine, to look for the Ohio River and the Gulf of California. However, by 1 Oct. 1669 the impetuous La Salle had left the two religious, on the pretext of returning to Montreal. Whatever he did after this date, it is certain that he did not go as far as the Ohio at least he never claimed that he did, and no document substantiates it. The Sulpicians for their part had reached the north shore of Lake Erie, of which they had taken possession before returning to Montreal on 18 June 1670. Shortly after his return to the colony Talon certainly met La Salle, whom he sent in the autumn of 1670 towards the south, in search of the passage to the China Sea. Once again nothing is known of the comings and goings of the temperamental explorer, except that he was at Montreal on 6 Aug. 1671. In the autumn however Talon maintained that he had no news of him he left the colony in 1672, before La Salle had given any news of himself. Clearly the explorer had not carried out his mission. To the regions that had been visited by Dollier and Galine, Talon sent Simon-Franois Daumont de Saint-Lusson, to whom he gave the task of taking possession, in the name of the king of France, of the whole central region of America. In addition Saint-Lusson was to go as far as possible, as long as he had what he needed to live on, in order to ascertain with care whether there is, by means of lakes and rivers, any way of reaching the Southern Sea, which separates this continent from China. Having left in October 1670 with Nicolas Perrot. Saint-Lusson spent the winter on Manitoulin Island, whence he forwarded to several nations an invitation to assemble in the spring at Sault Ste. Marie. There, on 4 June 1671, in the presence of the delegates of 14 Indian nations and with all the pomp and circumstance that the country would allow, Saint-Lusson took possession of the aforesaid place of Sainte-Marie du Sault, as also of Lakes Huron and Superior, the le de Caienton, and of all the other countries, rivers, lakes, and nearby or contiguous streams, already or still to be discovered, which are confined on the one side by the Northern and Western Seas and on the other by the Southern Sea, as well as in all their length or breadth. At one fell swoop part of an empire came under Frances jurisdiction. Saint-Lusson, it seems, scarcely pushed on past Sault Ste. Marie, bringing back at the most some second-hand information about the link with the Southern Sea. He probably told the intendant about the Mississippi, which was much talked about in the Great Lakes region and which, it was believed, flowed into the Gulf of California. In the summer of 1672, perhaps losing hope of seeing La Salle come back, Talon entrusted Louis Jolliet with going to the mouth of this river in order to verify that it did indeed flow into the China Sea. In 1674 Jolliet was to return with the certainty that the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of Mexico hope was however to be preserved of finding, through one of its tributaries, the Western Passage that was so much desired. In any event, thanks to Talons vision three quarters of the American continent, to the west and the south, came under French sovereignty in a period of a few years. Talons attention was also directed towards the north, still little known, whence came, through the hands of the Ottawa Indians, the finest furs. In the summer of 1671 he chose the Jesuit Charles Albanel and Paul Denys de Saint-Simon to make an expedition in this direction: the explorers were to go to Hudson Bay, make reports on everything that they discovered, establish trade in pelts with the Indians, and take possession of the territories in addition they were to investigate whether it was advisable to establish on Hudson Bay a warehouse which could replenish supplies for the ships which will subsequently be able to discover by this route the connecting passage between the Northern and Southern Seas. Albanel and his companion were the first Frenchmen Radisson and Chouart Des Groseilliers excepted to reach James Bay, which they took possession of, although the English were already there. Talon was seeking on every side the passage to the Western Sea. He was very much interested in the suggestion made to him at this time by a certain Capt. Poulet, who proposed searching for this passage and accomplishing the circumnavigation of America, either by the Northern Sea or the Straits of Magellan. With the intendants departure, however, this project came to naught. In his endeavour to link all parts of the colony with the vital centre in the St. Lawrence valley, Talon did not overlook the eastern territories, and chiefly Acadia. Probably attracted by the idea of setting up there a seaport that would be open in all seasons, and aware of the necessity of defending this province that was adjacent to the rival American colonies, Talon conceived the plan of a land route which would link Acadia to Quebec he thought of it as having at regular intervals dwellings which would serve as relay stations. To reconnoitre the ground, he formed two teams which had the task of studying the regions of the Kennebec and Saint John rivers. He fixed his choice upon the latter region. In 1672 Talon gave a start to the execution of his project by granting fiefs on the route foreseen from Lvis to Pentagouet. From 1670 to 1672, then, Talon pursued major aims which explain his whole work: to link the different parts of New France firmly to the nerve centre of the colony on the St. Lawrence to build up a network of alliances which would funnel towards Quebec the furs from the north, west, and south to guarantee the integrity and defence of French territory by taking possession of it, by making economic and military treaties, and by developing the frontier regions finally, to find the China Sea and, perhaps, a second outlet for New France. To these aims must be added that of discovering mines, with which Talon had been concerned even before leaving for New France following information he had received at La Rochelle, he had put into port at Gasp in 1665 to pick up some lead ore there. During his first administration, he collected information about coal, iron, lead, and copper mines he sent ore regularly to France to be analysed. But despite his efforts he met with only very relative success. In addition to the coal mine which the intendant had discovered in 1666 in the cliff at Quebec but which was impossible to work, there was another on Cape Breton Island which was rich in coal of excellent quality. In 1670 Talon sent Capt. Poulet to inspect this mine, from which it was thought the ore could easily be extracted, so that a 150-ton ship could take on a full load in a week. The assays confirmed the excellent quality of the product, which was nevertheless considered to be a little too small for use in large furnaces. Despite the existence of this mine and the diminution of import duties on Canadian coal, there was only a very limited trade in it under the French rgime. As for iron, traces of it were detected in many places but the veins were insignificant or the assays by the specialists inconclusive. However, Talon did not give up hope of setting up in the colony forges that would supply the iron necessary for ship-building. In 1670 he had brought from France an ironmaster, the Sieur de La Potardire, who affirmed that the deposits in the region of Trois-Rivires were very promising. Talon immediately sent him back to France with 20 barrels of ore and sand from Trois-Rivires. While waiting for the result of the analyses and La Potardires return, he had ore extracted in anticipation of future working. Unfortunately the ironmaster did not come back and Talon had to return to France. The mine at Trois-Rivires was not worked until the 18th century. Talon had even less success with lead. Immediately upon arriving at Quebec in 1665 he had given the metal-founder of the Compagnie des Indes occidentales the task of examining the mine at Gasp. It was judged to be of poor quality. The following year the intendant sent a new team to Gasp. An explosion killed two workmen the expedition returned to Quebec and the project was abandoned. It was in August 1667, when the Jesuit Allouez brought him a piece of very pure copper ore from Lake Superior, that Talon began to become interested in this mineral. In the autumn of 1668 he chose Adrien Jolliet and Jean Per to go to find out whether the copper mine. is rich and the ore easily extracted and brought down here the explorers were in addition supposed to look for an easier route than the usual one to transport the copper from Lake Superior to Montreal. Jolliet (who died during the voyage) and Per could not find the mine however, they discovered a new route, via Lake Huron, Lake St. Clair and Lake Erie, which allowed traffic to avoid the rapids on the Ottawa River. In 1670, still eager to find the exact site of the mine, the intendant entrusted Saint-Lusson with the search for it this was, in Talons words, the principal object of his mission. Saint-Lusson, we know, went to Sault Ste. Marie, of which he took possession it is more than probable however that he did not see Lake Superior, neglecting the primary aim of his trip. At all events, he did not bring back any more news than had Per about the famous copper mine, of which no one ever succeeded in discovering the lode. Frontenac had new searches carried out at the beginning of his governorship, but without any success. He considered besides that the distances to be covered made this mine impracticable. Frontenac was probably right. The absence of suitable means of prospecting for and working mines, the lack of skilled manpower, the enormous distances, the difficulty of transport, all these were obstacles that made any mining development in New France in the 17th century almost impossible, despite the goodwill of administrators like Talon. Talons boundless activity during his two stays in Canada did not fail to antagonize some people. On a few occasions he complained, in his correspondence to the minister, of the opposition that he was encountering in carrying out his plans he was not, he said, to everyones liking. In particular he clashed with M. de Courcelle, the merchants, the Compagnie des Indes occidentales, and the Church. From the time of his first administration, and especially after M. de Tracys departure, Talon had had to put up with certain vexations from Courcelle, who seems to have been somewhat jealous of the intendants very extensive powers and offended by the influence that he wielded in the colony, where nothing was done without his approval. Courcelle was the first to experience the dramatic plight of the governors, to whom, under the French rgime, the greatest honours were rendered but whose real authority was very much less than that of the intendants and whose prerogatives were limited to the areas of war and diplomacy. When he asked to be relieved of his office, moreover, Talon stressed, among other things, that the governors attitude did not permit him to stay any longer in Canada. The disagreement was even more serious during Talons second term of office, especially since he took it into his head to enter into the sector of external relations, thus encroaching upon the prerogatives of the governor. Courcelle may have been less imaginative and above all less active than he, but he rightfully became very resentful of this conduct: when he was afraid of meeting some opposition from the governor, Talon acted without consulting him, in fields in which the governor had a say. In short, it was whispered about in the colony that M. Talon wanted to combine the role of the governor with that of the intendant. Courcelle, who could not be unaware of this, was certainly hurt by it. The rumour was not without foundation: in January 1672 Patoulet wrote to the minister that Talon wanted to be recalled, unless he remained alone in the country. Talon and Courcelle each had, it seems, his share of the responsibility for this dissension, which became deeper each day. The business men also heaped upon the intendant reproaches which were similar to Courcelles: Talon was encroaching upon the whole of business, to the detriment of the established merchants and companies taking advantage of his privileged position, he was bringing in from France, free of charge, merchandise with which he was flooding the colonys market. This practice, it is true, was not to the advantage of the local merchants or those from France it was however to the advantage of the colony as a whole. Nor did this criticism take into account the fact that Talon invested in Canada the sums that he took in from these operations, in the ship-building industry, the brewery, the manufacturing industries. He simply plunged into business and competed with the merchants. From the very beginning however he had come to an understanding with Colbert, who had given him his approval. Later, on 10 Nov. 1670, he brought up the question again: On this matter I must draw to your attention that if all the money that the King authorizes for Canada were brought here, and if it were used in cash, not only would this not be to the countrys advantage, but double the amount would be spent. This practice of converting the Kings money into products which are suitable for food, or into clothing or tools, and which serve for the setting up of soldiers, girls who get married, and new families which come here, is not agreeable to the merchants, who would like everything, be it of good or bad quality, to be bought from them, and at such high prices that expenditures would have to be doubled if we were reduced to doing what they desire. These goods also are of use to exchange for wheat, and it is for this purpose that I have sent some of them to various parts, where they are to be distributed to the settlers who live at a distance from Quebec, so that, finding the things they need on the spot, they will not have to leave their families for 3 or 4 days in order to come to get them at Quebec itself, and also so that the quantities of wheat received in payment can be transported here by a single boat. I am dealing with this matter and discussing it because I have been informed that a merchant in La Rochelle has complained to M. de Terron that I was meddling too much in business and that I had stores set up in Canada I add that if I had not had some, s everal of the enterprises that are begun or already completed would have failed utterly, and nothing would please some people better. On 11 Feb. 1671 Colbert again expressed his approval of Talons reasoning and said in conclusion that it was very important to continue sending goods and always to keep the money in the kingdom. In his struggle with the Compagnie des Indes occidentales, which had been set up by Colbert himself, Talon did not obtain the ministers support so easily. From the time of his first contact with New France he had perceived that His Majestys interests in the development of the country and those of the company were very often opposed, and that the company was in many respects an obstacle to the progress of the colony. By the very fact of its existence it interfered with the machinery of the governmental institutions that had recently been created. The king continued in fact to appoint the governors and the intendants, with whom he remained in constant touch and through whom he directed the whole colonial policy. For their part the governors and intendants strove to put into effect the kings policy and to enforce royal authority everywhere. The intendants were already endeavouring to bring about a considerable centralization of the administration of justice. Consequently the royal policy often ran counter to the rights and privileges of the company, which considered that it was being wronged. On the other hand, the exclusive right of trade and shipping which the company held by virtue of Article 15 of its charter acted as a check upon the development of New France: this clause discouraged any spirit of initiative among the colonists and made them extremely dependent upon the company. Talons idea was that only freedom of trade and shipping could ensure the colonys progress, which could only result from the joint effort of the authorities and the settlers. While still at La Rochelle in 1665 Talon had had to intervene with the companys agents, who were refusing the inhabitants of Canada the right to import certain articles of merchandise when he had arrived in Quebec, he had realized that the trade monopoly worked to the detriment of the population. Therefore on 4 Oct. 1665 he had presented the following alternative to Colbert: if, in setting up the company, the king wanted to enrich it, without having as his aim the extension of the habitations in this country and the increasing of its settlers, it was necessary to safeguard all the companys rights and privileges if, on the contrary, the king desired the colonys progress, I cannot convince myself that he will succeed in his intention by leaving in hands other than his own the seigniory, the ownership of the land, the appointment of priests, and, I add, even trade, which is the soul of the foundation that he has in mind. This was declaring strongly and courageously against the very existence of the company. Although far from agreeing with him, Colbert nevertheless told Talon in his reply of 5 Jan. 1666 that His Majesty, as an experiment, had had the Company condescend to give up in the settlers favour trade with the Indians, and that in addition the company had consented for this year to grant freedom of trade to all persons without distinction. In 1668 the Conseil Souverain wrote to the minister to request of him again this free trade which the company had allowed only for 1666. According to the councillors the stores were so poorly supplied with goods that the settlers were in danger of lacking essentials furthermore, the prices demanded by the company were excessive. This letter and Talons efforts led the king to decide to grant freedom of trade to Canada in 1669 once and for all. At the same time that he was fighting for freedom of trade, Talon fought to obtain for the colony an adequate budget. But, by virtue of its charter it was the Compagnie des Indes occidentales that was supposed to assume the ordinary expenses of the country, as the Compagnie des Cent-Associs and the Communaut des Habitants had done previously. In order to discharge its obligations, the Communaut des Habitants had decided to impose a levy on beaver pelts amounting to a quarter of their value and a tenth on moose hides to this initial fund was added a little later the revenue from the Tadoussac trading organization. The sums that were collected thus, called the revenue of the colony, were allocated to the ordinary expenses. The Compagnie des Indes occidentales claimed that these revenues had been ceded to it for 40 years, along with the seigneury of New France. Talon, who meant to be as independent of the company as possible, contested its ownership of these rights he wanted at the least to make it record its receipts, so that its earnings could be known. On 5 March 1666 however Colbert answered him, saying that the company actually did hold the rights that he was contesting, and he sent him a copy of a decree dated 8 April 1666 which ruled upon this question. There was still to be determined the amount of the countrys ordinary expenses. On 18 Aug. 1666 Le Barroys offered to pay all pay and expenses of the officers according to a scale adopted by the agents of the company. Talon protested: according to the decree of 8 April the expenses were to be met on the same basis as they were by the former company and by the. Communaut. A memoir by Gaudais - Dupont indicated that the Communaut des Habitants paid the sum of 48,950 livres Le Barroys however was offering only 29,200 livres . Talon brought the matter to the attention of the minister, who fixed the companys contribution at 36,000 livres . which was considerably less than the revenues of the Tadoussac trading organization alone. Talon was convinced from that time on that the company cared very little for the colony, but was seeking above all to increase its profits. The intendant had judged correctly: the system of company ownership did not suit New France by 1674, ruined and stripped of its prestige, the Compagnie des Indes occidentales ended its career prematurely. If Talon undertook his struggles with the merchants and the Compagnie des Indes occidentales on his own initiative, it was at Colberts request that he began to keep an eye on the activities of the ecclesiastics in New France, in conformity with the following article in his instructions: . the aforementioned Sieur Talon will take note that those who have given the most faithful and the most disinterested accounts of the said country have always declared that the Jesuits (whose piety and zeal have greatly contributed to attracting to that country the people who are now there) have acquired an authority that goes beyond the limits of their true profession, which must be concerned only with consciences. In order to maintain their position there, they were very happy to nominate the bishop of Petraea Laval to carry out the episcopal functions there, as he is entirely under their sway, and right up to the present either they have nominated governors to represent the king in that country or they have used all possible means to obtain the recall of those who had been chosen for this task without their participation, so that, as it is absolutely necessary to maintain a just balance between the temporal authority which resides in the person of the King and of those who represent him, and the spiritual authority which resides in the person of the said bishop and the Jesuits, but in such a way that the latter be subordinated to the former, Talon was to take care to watch closely the state of these two authorities in the country at present and the state in which they should normally be kept. Such a paragraph even though it was full of erroneous details, particularly concerning the appointment and recall of the governors could not help but incite Talon to examine closely the conduct of the ecclesiastics in addition it supplied him with a precise guide with respect to what should be the position of the spiritual authority in relation to the temporal. Talon, who was going to prove to be strongly Gallican, and very suspicious in addition, had illustrious examples in his own family: the attorneys-general Omer and Denis Talon, who were very famous in Paris, were out and out Gallicans of Omer Talon it was possible to write that, not satisfied with exaggerating the doctrines of Pithou and Richer, he enriched the code of gallicanism with new articles and was the first to put them into practice. Moreover, by his own behaviour Colbert was going to encourage Talon in his suspicions regarding the Canadian Church. However, Talons first report, which was sent to Colbert 4 Oct. 1665, was not unfavourable: . I say that if in the past the Jesuits matched temporal authority with spiritual, they have very much amended their conduct, and provided that they always keep it as it seems to me to be today, there will be no need to guard against it in the future. This impression however changed little by little into a kind of hostility, which caused the intendant to commit the error that he was blaming the Church for: he interfered on a few occasions in questions which rested entirely with the bishop and belonged to ecclesiastical discipline. This change of attitude came about between October 1665 and November 1666, when he wrote that if he were willing to leave the Church on the level of authority on which I found it, I should have less trouble and should receive more approbation. Must this change of attitude be attributed to the affair of the seigneury of Notre-Dame-des-Anges, which has been mentioned and which brought him into conflict with the Jesuits, who were not disposed to let their lands be expropriated Or rather, was it due to the bad opinion that he had had of the Jesuit Albanel, who had been unjustly accused by M. de Courcelle of having dissuaded the Indians from taking part in his war party in the winter of 1666 In any event, nothing else seems to have troubled the relations between church and state in 1666. In March 1667 the intendant made a great deal of fuss about what has been called the affair of the Dames de la Sainte-Famille. This pious association, which had been canonically founded by Bishop Laval, forbade its members to take part in society gatherings and dances. Now, during the carnival of 1667 people had had a very good time at Quebec: Louis-Thandre Chartier de Lotbinire had given the first ball in Canada, and there had no doubt been numerous joyful gatherings. Several of the Dames de la Sainte-Famille, it seems, had forgotten the regulations of the association. In agreement with the directors of the sisterhood, Bishop Laval decided to suspend its meetings. Thereupon Talon lost his temper, seeing in the bishops gesture an intrusion by the Church upon social liberties. A fine affair, indeed On 14 March 1667 the intendant laid the matter before the Conseil Souverain, which ruled, through two commissioners, that gatherings during the carnival could not be condemned. Talon did not perhaps dare go further, and the incident ended there. Obviously the intendant had taken offence, intervening without any reason in the internal administration of a religious association which people were free to belong to and which, besides, in no way depended upon the state. A little later that same year there arose the question of the tithe, which had been instituted in 1663 and set at a thirteenth but had not yet been put into force, in consequence of the settlers firm opposition even an ordinance by M. de Tracy had not been able to impose it. On 23 Aug. 1667 Tracy, Courcelle, and Talon set the tithe at a twenty-sixth for a period of 20 years. This diminution was certainly not agreeable to the clergy, whose needs were great Bishop Laval had nevertheless to accept it. At the beginning of the 18th century Bertrand de Latour claimed that Talon was responsible for the change made in the rate of the tithe, but there is no proof of this. It would however not be astonishing if Talon, engrossed in the settlement of colonists, wanted to lighten their burden it was probably he, besides, who was responsible for the clause which exempted new colonists from this tax for five years. More painful to Bishop Laval was Talons volte-face when, after co-operating with the Conseil Souverain in forbidding the bartering of alcoholic beverages to the Indians, he had the council adopt, 10 Nov. 1668, an ordinance permitting this commerce but forbidding the Indians to become drunk. Although he was present at this meeting, Bishop Laval did not sign the minutes. Henceforth, except for a few restrictions, trade in spirits was going to be legal in the colony until the end of the French rgime. It was a hard blow for the bishop and the Jesuits, who, for moral reasons, had fought this trade unceasingly. The expropriation of part of the seigneury of Notre-Dame-des-Anges, the affair concerning the Dames de la Saint-Famille, the question of the tithes, and the authorizing of trade in spirits, these were the only episodes during his first term of office that brought Talon into conflict with the Church moreover, during his second stay in the colony, not once did he enter into conflict with the ecclesiastical authority. Is all this sufficient to conclude that Talon was Gallican in sentiment Perhaps not: in two of these incidents at least he did not act from Gallican principles. It is in his correspondence, however, that he shows himself to be deeply imbued with Gallican doctrines, continually accusing the Canadian Church of interfering with the temporal power and of disturbing peoples consciences by recourse to spiritual constraints. But it is noteworthy that Talon never cites names, never gives precise details he always confines himself to vague accusations. Moreover, in studying his two administrations, one finds few cases in which he had to intervene with the ecclesiastical authorities. It seems that, being suspicious by nature, very firmly convinced in addition of the eminent priority of the state, Talon often exaggerated small incidents, as in the affair of the Dames de la Sainte-Famille, seeing intrusions upon the temporal authority where there was none and lending a too willing ear to rumours and hearsay. Perhaps too, without ever saying so, he was in profound disagreement with the clergy on the question of the trade in alcoholic beverages, which would explain his surprising change of attitude on 10 Nov. 1668. Talon, convinced that the Jesuits and the secular clergy with the exception of the Sulpicians, whom he favoured as much as he could tormented consciences and kept the population in a state of moral subjection, conceived the idea of bringing to New France a religious order which might counterbalance the influence of the former and exercise the ministry while respecting liberty of conscience. He applied himself to this matter in France in 1669, with the result that in 1670 he arrived in the colony together with some Recollets. However, Talon did not seem to realize how dangerous it was to set one part of the clergy against the other, no more indeed than he was conscious of his interference in the ecclesiastical affairs of New France. Leaving aside his uneasy Gallicanism and his tendency to ignore an authority that was too close to his own, one can hardly criticize Talon, whose two administrations five and a half years in all changed the face of New France. Of a colony centred solely upon subsistence agriculture and the fur trade, he began to make an industrial and commercial country to a population that was too small, he brought numbers to an embryonic and as yet ill-balanced society he ensured order and justice to a New France whose frontiers were too restricted, he gave the dimensions of an empire in a word, he laid in America the bases of that great Kingdom, of that very great State, of which he had dreamt from the very first day. The starting-point of his work was certainly the programme laid out by Colbert. In large measure the intendant simply complied with this programme he was never, however, the blind executant of a plan that had been drawn up in advance. He had first of all the merit of understanding Colberts plan and aims he adapted his projects, adding to them or cutting them down as necessary, even fighting them when they clashed with his own views. He created for himself a personal conception of New France and strove, especially during his second term of office, to impose it. His inventive genius led him to make of what was simply a programme of colonization a veritable policy, all of whose elements were tightly knit together and which foresaw the complete development of the colony. Gifted with a remarkable mind for synthesis, rapid in conceiving ideas as in realizing them, he had all the qualities necessary for his office. He was both the architect and the builder of his work. A true theorist, he did not abhor invoking the great political principles upon which he based his activity a formidable dialectician, he knew how to expound and defend his projects as well as to fight contrary opinions. A talent for speculation complemented admirably in him the practical, realistic, and efficient man of action. Powerful in conception, steadfast in decision, and swift in execution: these characteristics in Intendant Talon suffice to account for his career in Canada. In addition, throughout his stay in Canada Talon exhibited a social sense of which his period has left us few examples. From the time of his first term of office he had established personal contact with the population, visiting each of the settlers at census time, entering their homes and discussing with them their needs and aspirations. His social preoccupations can be detected, for example, in the reasons he gave for setting up dwellings in communities, in the type of aid and encouragement that he gave the settlers, in his plan to ensure Canadian society of an lite by distributing some patents of nobility, in the preambles to his ordinances, in particular to that of 5 June 1672 forbidding men to take to the woods (which would deserve to be quoted), and in his constant concern for teaching. In the work-yards and factories of the colony, indeed, craftsmen from France taught their art to the settlers and soldiers likewise the agricultural developments were in effect schools where the old settlers revealed their secrets about agriculture in Canada to the indentured employees who had recently landed at Quebec, at Talons request, a teacher introduced young Canadians to mathematics in short, wrote the intendant, the young men of Canada are dedicated and rush to the schools of science, into the arts and crafts, and especially into seamanship. Talon must receive credit for realizing that it was not enough to develop the economy in order to make something great of the colony he subordinated his whole work to the welfare of the few thousand human beings who were entrusted to his care. The incomparable intendant, as Mother Juchereau de Saint-Ignace called him, left the colony for good in November 1672. At the time of his departure Canada had become one immense work-yard: in the summer of 1671 nearly 350 men had been counted in the workshops that had been created by Talon. The whole of New France was looking confidently to the future. Unfortunately this effort was not kept up. From 1672 on the king stopped giving any effective aid to the young colony in the form of funds besides, and this is perhaps the most important factor, three years went by before a successor to Talon was appointed, so that New France was left under the sole direction of Frontenac, whose experience and ability were above all military. In several sectors Talons work was soon undone. Other intendants came to Canada, some of whom were not lacking in talent, but circumstances were no longer as favourable as they had been in the period when Louis XIV and Colbert held the destinies of the colony firmly in their hands. New Frances only great period, from 1665 to 1672, was gone for ever. Shortly after returning to France, Talon, who had already been captain and governor of the chteau of Mariemont since 1670, received the important and very honourable office of first valet of the Kings Wardrobe and secretary in his privy chamber. In addition Talons property of Les Islets, which had been created a barony on 14 Mar. 1671, was raised to a countship in May 1675, under the name of Orsainville. These royal favours show in what esteem the former intendant was held by Louis XIV. Occasionally he used his influence on behalf of New France and of his nephew, Franois-Marie Perrot. governor of Montreal. In particular, being favourable to the trade in spirits with the Indians, he became Colberts adviser on this matter, which earned for him the enmity of the Canadian clergy. Thus, in 1681, when he thought of going to Canada to set up a general hospital, the churchmen became alarmed, thinking, rightly or wrongly, that his real intention was to return as intendant or even as governor. But this project was soon given up. An influential personage, often in contact with Louis XIV, a friend of James II of England who was in exile in Paris, protected by Mme de Maintenon, Talon lived in affluence in Paris, in the rue du Bac, when his duties did not require his presence at Versailles. In 1692 he sold his offices as valet and secretary, the first for 110,000 livres and the second for 143,000. As he felt his end approaching, he drew up his will 29 April 1694. He died a bachelor on the following 24 November and was buried in the chapel of Sainte-Catherine in the church of Notre-Dame-en-Vaux, at Chlons-sur-Marne. Recensements de 1666, 1667. Acte de naissance de Jean Talon, BRH . LXVII (1961), 62. Pierre Boucher, Histoire vritable et naturelle des moeurs et productions du pays de la Nouvelle-France, vulgairement dite de Canada (Paris, 1664). Correspondance de Frontenac (167282), APQ Rapport, 192627 . 3144. Correspondance de Talon, APQ Rapport, 193031 . 3182. dits ord . I, 3035, 4048 III, 3340. Marie Guyart de lIncarnation, Lettres (Richaudeau), II, passim . JR (Thwaites), passim . JJ (Laverdire et Casgrain), passim . Juchereau, Annales (Jamet), passim . Jug . et dlib . I, passim . Lettres de noblesse (P.-G. Roy), I, 3746. Ordonnances de Talon, dans P.-G. Roy, Inv . ord . int . III, 21877 et Ord . comm . (P.-G. Roy), I, 2685, 96129. Papier terrier de la Cie des I . O . (P.-G. Roy). P.-G. Roy, Inv . concessions, passim . Chapais, Talon . Pierre Clment, Histoire de Colbert (3e d. Paris, 1892). Joseph Cossette, Jean Talon, champion au Canada du gallicanisme royal, 16651672, RHAF . XI (195758), 32748. J.-N. Fauteux, Essai sur lindustrie au Canada sous le Rgime franais (2v. Qubec, 1927). Ren Gobillot, La tombe de Jean Talon, NF . VI (1931), 251. Lionel Groulx, Histoire du Canada franais depuis la dcouverte (4v. Montral, 195052), I, 69145. Roland Lamontagne, Succs dintendance de Talon (Montral, 1964). Image Gallery Document HistoryDLT Trading Welcome to DLT Trading, your foremost stop for engraved knives and high quality cutlery from around the world. DLT is the preeminent source for knife enthusiasts to find the best quality blades and personalized knives for any use: hunting, bushcraft, cooking, survival and of course gift giving. سواء كنت جامع محنك مع مجموعة ضخمة أو مجرد تعلم أساسيات ما يجعل سكين كبير، ونحن ندعوك لتصفح اختيارنا من أفضل السكاكين المال يمكن شراء جميع تسليمها لكم مع خدمة من الطراز العالمي. عندما كنت امر من الولايات المتحدة، وسوف تتلقى خدمة استثنائية من خبراء سكين المدربين تدريبا عاليا كما عاطفي عن شفرات كبيرة كما كنت من السكاكين شبه مخصصة لسكاكين مستوى الدخول من الرجال الكبار في هذه الصناعة، لدينا لك غطت جميع بأسعار كبيرة. الأسعار ليست سوى البداية على الرغم من. نحن نميز أنفسنا عن الباعة سكين أخرى من خلال ليس فقط تحمل ضخمة في الأسهم اختيار (أكثر من 2،000،000 في المخزون) ولكن أيضا من خلال تسليمها لك في أسرع وقت ممكن مع الحائز على جائزة الخدمة. إذا كان لديك سؤال لدينا موظفين هنا التي يمكن أن تحصل على الجواب. تحتاج إلى سكين محفورة أو شخصية لدينا التي غطت أيضا. منذ جذورنا يعود تاريخها إلى عام 1998 كنا رائدة في مجال صناعة السكاكين محفورة. نحن نقش ما يزيد على 50،000 السكاكين سنويا وتتخصص في الشركات الكبيرة أوامر السكاكين الترويجية وكذلك السكاكين محفورة لجوائز الحوافز والسكاكين محفورة لرجال العرسان. نحن ندعوك لاكتشاف الفرق دلت. قراءة الاستعراضات لدينا على الانترنت، وتحقق لنا بها على كنيفورمز أو بليدفورمز، أو اطلب من أصدقائك الذين تسوقوا معنا ونرى لماذا تستحق الفرق دلت على شراء السكين الخاص بك المقبل. دلت للتجارة قادرة على تقديم سكاكين العلامة التجارية ذات الجودة التي تنافس أي متاجر التجزئة في العالم، دون التضحية بخدمة للنمو أو الأرباح. Top Selling Brands Other Popular Brands Ambush Knives Arno Bernard Bark River Knives Blackjack Chris Reeve Knives EnZo Knives Fallkniven Fenix Flashlights Fiddleback Forge Great Eastern Cutlery Hess Knives Kabar Koster Knives Hinderer Knives Lon Humphrey LT Wright Knives Medford Knife amp Tool Strider SOG Swiss Army TOPS Knives Zero ToleranceMinn Kota 12039 Talon Anchor System (Black, 1810412) See more Talon Anchor Systems here in various colors and sizes. Features: Selectable anchoring mode Built-in wave absorption LED depth indicators Multi-stage Deployment Fastest Deployment on the market Product Description Put your boat on lockdown and put fish on notice. The. See more Talon Anchor Systems here in various colors and sizes. Features: Selectable anchoring mode Built-in wave absorption LED depth indicators Multi-stage Deployment Fastest Deployment on the market Product Description Put your boat on lockdown and put fish on notice. The faster you lock into your spot, the sooner you can get your line back in the water. Thats why we built a shallow water anchor that deploys quicker, holds stronger and runs quieter. Then we made it better. Our new 12 and 10 Talons anchor deeper, run smarter and feature innovations that no other anchor can touch. Minn Kota Talon Blue Black 10 Anchor System. Talon is available as a two-stage deployment anchor that reaches 6 and 8 anchoring depths, or as a three-stage deployment anchor that reaches 10 or 12 anchoring depths. 6 and 8 models are available in silver. 10 and 12 models are available in an assortment of colors. Features:Electro-Mechanical DesignWith no hydraulics, the lightweight, space-saving Talon is as easy toinstall as a trolling motor. User-Selectable Anchoring ModesAnchoring in hard bottom isnt the same as anchoring into mud. With Talon, you can choose between multiple modes to ensure the right holdand fast, easy anchor retraction. Auto UpDownHit the button, then get back to fishing. Only Talon has Auto UpDown, whichmakes lowering and raising the anchor as easy as using a cars automaticwindows. Fast, Vertical Deployment2X anchoring force. Talon is built with double the force of the competition to lock you intoyour spot with unparalleled strength and security. Built-In Wave AbsorptionTalon allows your boat to move up or down without affecting the anchor. Itsexclusive built-in floating suspension keeps you locked to the bottom, evenin rough water. LED Depth IndicatorThe LED lights on Talon show you how far down youre deployed with eachlight indicating one foot (on 6 and 8 models) or two feet (on 10 and 12models) of depth. Deployment Notification AlarmIf you try to take off while the anchor is deployed, the audible alert withlet you know. Standard Wireless RemotesTwo wireless remotes ndash and a dash mount holder ndash come standard to give youpush-button control of Talon from anywhere on the boat. Triple Debris ShieldsThree custom-fit shields on the bottom and inside of Talon prevent mud oranything else from being pulled back into the unit. Versatile AdjustmentsWhile other anchors limit you to one position, Talons Quick Release Bracketenables up and down adjustment, 30 of pivoting, and easyremoval when Talons not in Talon AnchorWeve lowered the anchor, raised the bar and silenced the competition. The Talons are completely redesigned with a motor thats 30 more powerful, 30 quieter, and 100 guaranteed to be the last shallow water anchor youll ever need. Game On. Gloves Off. No shallow water anchor makes a statement like Talon. Our unprecedented models feature bold color options, and they give fish nowhere to run and nowhere to hide.30 More PowerAnchor anywhere, and retract any time. The Talon gives you all the power you need for any situation.30 Less NoiseSpeak softly and carry a 12-foot stick. This motor is 30 quieter, so fish cant hear Talon coming. Put your boat on Lockdown and put fish on notice. The faster you lock into your spot, the sooner you can get your line back in the water. Thats why we built a shallow water anchor that deploys quicker, holds stronger and runs quieter. Then we made it better. These Talons anchor deeper, run smarter and feature innovations that no other anchor can touch. SPEEDTalon deploys quickly and automatically so you can get your line in the water fasterFast DeployHead-to-head, our spike deploys faster than the competition, so you can get into position quickly. Multi-Stage DeploymentQuick, quiet, sequential vertical deployment lets Talon anchor faster and deeper without interfering with y Minn Kota 10 Talon Shallow Water Anchor Black Brand New Includes Five Year Warranty, The Minn Kota 18104021810412 Talon shallow water anchor 10 or 12 can be easily deployed by tapping a button on your wireless remote to avoid the disturbance of holding it down and waiting. This talon holds steady even in currents and highwinds. It delivers strongest possible hold with Auto-Drive, which automatically powers the spike into the bottom with three successive hits, using increasing force on each hit. The Talon Shallow Water Anchor possesses a simple design and it is designed to run quiet so it wont scare fishes even. The lightweight design makes it easy to install as like a trolling motor, with no messy, complicated hydraulic pumps and hoses. Other main features includes durable fibreglass spike and deployement notification alarm and built-in wave absorption. Talon Shallow Water Anchor Features: Product 1810402 (10 Feet), Product 1810412 (12 Feet), Talon Shallow Water Anchor, Fast Deploy - Spike Deploys Faster For Getting In Position Quickly, Auto UpDown - Deploy Talon w Button On wireless Remote or Control Panel, User Selectable Anchoring Modes - Adapts Easily To Changing Conditions, 3 Auto-Drive Sequences - For Triple Strength Hold, Rough Water Mode, Built-In Wave Absorption, Quiet Running, Wont Spook Fish, Simple Innovative Design, Versatile Adjustments, 2 Standard Wireless Remotes, LED Depth Indicator, Deployment Notification Alarm The fastest, strongest, quietest shallow water anchor has reached a new low. 12 feet, to be exact. The bolder, smarter, more colorful new 12-foot Talons are the best boat control and positioning tools in the game. They put you on the fish and keep you there, with legendary Minn Kota ruggedness, bold new colors and exclusive innovations that no other shallow water anchor can touch. 12 Maximum Anchor Depth. Price History Last updated: February 26, 2017 at 01:22 EST. Pricing information is provided by the listed merchants. GoSale is not responsible for the accuracy of pricing information, product information or the images provided. Product prices and availability is subject to change. Any price and availability information displayed on amazon or other merchants at the time of purchase will apply to the purchase of the product. As always, be sure to visit the merchants site to review and verify product information, price, and shipping costs. GoSale is not responsible for the content and opinions contained in customer submitted reviews. Coupon Codes Here are all the current Coupon Codes we found for Minn Kota 1810412 Talon Shallow Water Anchor 12039 Black Expires: April 1, 2017 Coupon Details: Get this special 15 off price (maximum of 30 off) YOUR FIRST 3 ORDERS when you create a NEW account and enter coupon code TRIPLE15 at checkout. Note, some brands may be excluded from this offer. See Details. This coupon applies to orders of 35.00. Coupon Details: Get 147.30 OFF automatically when you add this item to your cart Regular price of 1999.99 will be shown prior to adding it to your cart. Set Your Price Alert
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